Category Archives: CIT



The international campaign in solidarity with the ALTSASU Eight has spread far and wide. As well as hundreds of signatures on the petition in Euskal Herria and the Spanish State, socialists, trade unionists and young people around the world are also showing solidarity.


Solidarity with Altsasu 8 from CWI in China, Hong Kong & Taiwan

On February 4th Dublin City council passed a resolution calling for the release of the Altsasu 8. The motion was proposed by Solidarity Councillor and Socialist Party member Michael O’Brien who received support and advice from Dublin and Brussels based Basque solidarity activists as well as from his comrades in the Socialist Party’s sister group in the Committee for a Workers International Euskal Herria Sozialista.

The resolution deplored the continuing policy of the Spanish State of dispersing Basque prisoners to the farthest extremities of the Spanish State and:

  • Furthermore, along with Amnesty International and 50 MEPs, notes with alarm the case of the Altsasu eight young people who following an altercation with two off duty Guardia Civil in a bar in 2016 have been found guilty of ‘disobeying authority’ charges (under appeal) resulting in severe jail sentences
  • joins the calls of others internationally for their immediate release and the withdrawal of the charges
  • resolves to communicate the terms of this motion to the Spanish Ambassador and the Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade.

The Chief Executive of the Dublin City Council is now obliged to write to the Spanish Ambassador in Dublin and the Oireachtas (Parliamentary) Committee for Foreign Affairs which we hope will generate further publicity and embarrassment for the Spanish State Establishment and provide a boost for the prisoners, the Altsasu 8 and their respective families. We hope similar motions are passed by other local government bodies internationally as well as in trade union organisations to add to the pressure for a settlement of the prisoner dispersal scandal and the release of the Altsasu 8



CIT/CWI International Solidarity Campaign

In the early hours of 15 October 2016, in a bar in the small Basque town of Altsasu, a fight broke out between two off duty Guardia Civil officers and local youths during fiestas.

Local police attended the incident but no arrests were made. Later, eight young people were interviewed by police in Pamplona but were released. Four days later a right wing association COVITE filed a complaint accusing the young people of ‘terrorist’ offences.

The Guardia Civil officers and their partners claimed they were viciously assaulted in an organised attack by 20 to 30 individuals. The young people denied the accusation and said although some of them had been in the bar Koxka, others had been in another bar in front or nearby.

The regional court in Pamplona rejected the charges of terrorism and instead charged the young people with causing injuries and ‘challenging authority’ which carried possible prison sentences of between 2 to 4 years.

The Spanish Supreme court overruled the court in Navarre and sent the case to be tried at the Spanish National court where terrorist trials usually take place.

The prosecution accepted the accusation of COVITE that as some of the young people were members of the Basque association OPSA and the campaign ALDE HEMENDIAK which calls for the Guardia Civil to get out of Altsasu, they were therefore supporters of ETA, now incidentally disbanded.

Ohian Arnanz Ziordia, Jokin Unamuno Goikoetxea, Jon Ander Cob Amilibia, Julen Goikoetxea Larraza, Adur Ramirez de Alda Pozueta, Aratz Urrizola Ortigosa, Iñaki Abad Olea and Ainara Urkijo Goikoetxea, who are all in their early twenties went on trial in April 2018.

The trial in the National Court was full of irregularities. One of the Guardia Civil officers claimed that he was punched repeatedly by Adur and kicked in the head and body. He testified that Adur was wearing a red shirt while photographs and a video from the night in question show he was wearing a black one.

Although the Guardia Civil officer claims he was the victim of a brutal attack he is seen in a video after the supposed events in an immaculate white shirt with no visible footprints or blood stains. He is also seen aggressively swiping a mobile phone out of the hand of one of the accused who was filming the incident.

When the defence asked the prosecution for definitive proof that that campaign OSPA was linked to ETA they were told there was none.

One of the bar staff testified that there was no fight in the bar and that she did not see any Guardia Civil injured.

The bar owner was presented in court with a statement he was said to have made to local police in which he claimed the ‘attack was premeditated.’ He swore that it was not his signature on the statement and that things had been added which he had not said and others left out which he had.

The identification of the 8 young people as the ring leaders of the supposed attack was extremely suspicious. The defence pointed out in court that the Guardia Civil and their partners had identified them in a photographic line up. Each of the photos of the eight young people fitted up by the Guardia Civil were shown next to photos of people of drastically different ages, nationalities and ethnic origin, making it easier to identify them.

Two medical witnesses testified clearly that the light injuries suffered by the Guardia Civil officers ‘were not compatible’ with an attack by between 20-30 people as claimed.

The defence petitioned for the lead judge Concepción Espejel be removed from the trial because she is married to a Guardia Civil Colonel and has herself received a Guardia Civil Medal of Merit from the Ministry of the Interior. The petition was of course refused.

Three of the young people have already spent more than 760 days in prison in the special and strict ‘FIES’ regime reserved for dangerous terrorists, in effect a ‘prison within a prison’. They have been incarcerated hundreds of kilometres away from their families for two years.
The judge predictably handed down sentences of a total of 79 years and fines of €100.000 for the Altsasu Eight, 13 years for Ohian and Iñaki; 12 for Jokin and Adur; 9 for Jon, Aratz and Julen; and 2 for Ainara. Today, Ainara is now free and the rest are jailed in Zaballa in the Basque Country.

This inhuman injustice done to eight young Basques is on a level of world famous cases like the Birmingham Six and Guildford Four. The case has provoked a wave of indignation and anger in the Basque Country, Catalonia and the Spanish State.


Over a hundred thousand people poured onto the streets of Iruñea/Pamplona in April and June to protest against the injustice. The Spanish right wing including the new fascist party VOX provocatively held a rally in Altsasu in November under the protection of the Guardia Civil and police but only managed to scrape together 200 people while the people of the town and the rest of the Basque Country mobilised to confront them. Their pathetic rally was drowned out by the ringing of the town’s church bells.

Over 50 MEPs have condemned the sentences and irregularities in the case as have Amnesty International.

The Altsasu case is not an isolated incident. The Spanish State whose judiciary and police are infested with reactionary right wing elements, want to teach a lesson to young people today, that the 1978 Regime cannot be challenged. Rappers and tweeters who dare to criticise the monarchy and corrupt politicians have also been jailed as have trade unionists for exercising their right to strike and picket.

Ezker Iraultzailea (Izquierda Revolucionaria in the Basque country) are calling for an international campaign in solidarity with the Altsasu 8 through the CWI and its sections throughout the world. (See details below)


These young people have been accused, investigated and judged by the reactionary Guardia Civil and given unjust and long exemplary sentences. Eventually the Spanish State ‘justice’ system could be forced to release them through a long legal process in the European court of justice but by then some of the young people could have spent 10 years in prison. We cannot stand by and let them lose their youth in prison.

Further Reading: Interview with mothers of the jailed youth.



Euskara (Basque)


Two of the Altsasu 8 mothers, Bel Pozueta and Amaia Amilibia

Solidarity action is urgent now:

Details of International Solidarity Campaign

Send solidarity messages and photos via Twitter @Altsasugurasoak, @EzkIraultzailea and @socialist_world



Do clothes maketh the man?


Major, Blair and Brown playing the establishment part

Jeremy Corbyn was predictably attacked by the Daily Heil for looking ‘scruffy and disrespectful’ at the Cenotaph this year.  When the ruling class fear the possibility of a Left Labour government any line of attack is legitimate.

Thirty seven years ago the MSM carried out an almost identical attack on the then Labour leader Michael Foot.


Thatcher, praying for a war in 1981 to go up in the polls

Foot was accused of wearing a donkey jacket to the Remembrance Day service in 1981. A right wing Labour MP said he was, “disgusted to see that the leader of Her Majesty’s opposition looked more like an Irish navvy than a party leader”.

Years later the Telegraph admitted that the attack on Foot had been unfair. According to  Foot’s official biographer, Lord Morgan, the coat was not a donkey jacket – which would have leather shoulders – but a “a short, blue-green overcoat” bought for Mr Foot by his wife, Jill at considerable expense.

It was no accident the Tories and the Labour Right-wing through their kept press accused Foot of wearing a donkey jacket and looking like an Irish navvy. Thatcher was low in the polls and they needed to undermine Foot, so any means was necessary. It was also significant that they tried to link Foot to the way working class people dressed at the time, as a couple of years previously thousands of local authority workers, many in donkey jackets had been striking for decent pay. The Tories hated Foot’s opposition to nuclear weapons but they hate the working class more.

Ex-political editor of the Guardian Michael White first attacked Corbyn’s sartorial choices in 2015 when he asked the question, Jeremy Corbyn: is the world ready for his socks and sandals? In a bizarre article White mused: “I woke this morning after a good night’s sleep to face a nagging question in my head. Did Jeremy Corbyn use to wear open-toed sandals around Westminster in hot weather? Does he still? They’re comfy (I wear them myself), but ridiculous. If memory serves, he wore them with socks, white socks even”.


Corbyn showing he is unfit to be PM by wearing socks with sandals

What is this obsession with the clothing of Left-wing Labour politicians? As Michael Rosen wrote in his poem, The War of Corbyn’s Coat

It’s not his coat they hate.

That’s not really their cause

What gets up all their noses?

He opposes all their wars.

The photo of Corbyn next to Theresa May is telling. Behind them are three former PMs in almost identical coats. Being members of the establishment like Major, Blair and Brown certainly are, brings a certain responsibility to ‘look the part, be the part’ as Proposition Joe said to Avon in The Wire.

The expensive clothes and formal, almost identical way most UK politicians dress expresses their consensus on the big issues of supporting capitalism and keeping the working class down. The look is meant to covey the power and uniformity of the elite. Jeremy Corbyn does not conform politically and is certainly not part of the political elite, so why would he turn up at the Cenotaph looking exactly like Major, Blair and Brown?

The ruling class have a long history of using clothes to differentiate themselves from the great unwashed. Look at the uniforms in the armed services and the rows of undeserved medals on the chests of Charles Windsor and his family.

Over one hundred years ago, Keir Hardie, the first Labour MP caused outrage when he turned up to the Gasworks (as he called Parliament) without a Top Hat! Hardie was clear that a Labour representative should not ape ruling class dress rules.



Top hats to be worn by all MPs is an official Rees-Mogg policy.

But it is not only the UK where clothes play a part in politics. When PODEMOS made their electoral breakthrough the young deputies turned up to parliament without ties and some of the men even had pony tails!

The establishment parties were outraged. The morning TV magazine  programmes spewed out attacks on the PODEMOS ‘hippies’. A conservative PP deputy Villalobos even expressed a fear she could catch fleas from a PODEMOS deputy who had rastas!

When it comes to clothes socialists and the Left can never please the establishment. A couple of years after Michael Foot was unfairly criticised for what he wore at the Cenotaph, a majority of socialist councillors were elected in Liverpool. The struggle of the City that Dared to Fight Thatcher is still a reference for those who want to implement Left-wing policies at a local level.


Militant leaders of Liverpool Council like Derek Hatton and Tony Mulhearn were accused of being ‘too flashy’ and wearing sharp suits. So, Michael Foot and Jeremy Corbyn are too scruffy and Derek Hatton and Tony Mulhearn were too smart…..

Maybe it is not really about the clothes and it is all about the socialist ideas…..




Red Wedge – Questions to a former Young Socialist


Please explain your role in Red Wedge. I was chair of the Labour Party Young Socialists (LPYS) 1984-1986 and Editor of Socialist Youth (LP Monthly Youth Paper) The LPYS was led by the Militant and had over 600 branches and was an overwhelmingly working class organisation. During the Miner’s strike we were doing mass work in support of the strike. Young people brought their musical tastes into the LPYS and we promoted bands at locals and national level. For example we worked with Billy Bragg and Paul Weller. Both participated in and played at a lobby of Parliament we held against compulsory Youth Training Schemes (YTS) We were also involving a wider layer of artists and groups in our campaigns such as the Housemartins and the Communards. Neil Kinnock, the leader of the LP at the time was engaged in a political witch-hunt against the Militant who were leading mass struggles against Thatcher in Liverpool. Kinnock and the LP right wing wanted to move against the LPYS but it was difficult because of our support in the wider movement because of our campaigning work on behalf of young people.

In 1985 Peter Mandelson was appointed Director of Communications at the LP and with Labour Students, who supported Kinnock, started to work on strategies to undermine the LPYS. One of those strategies was Red Wedge. If Mandelson did not exactly come up with the idea of Red Wedge he certainly used it to attempt to sideline the LPYS. At the first Red Wedge meetings LP officials and Billy Bragg took the lead. As the official youth wing of the LP we attended meetings and argued we should be allowed to speak at meetings and have stalls where we could distribute political materials and recruit young people to the LPYS. In general the artists were genuinely sympathetic to us and Paul Weller supported our right to be involved as he knew us and what we stood for. At a particular meeting one of the LP officials said that there should not be ‘political’ speakers at the Red Wedge gigs as ‘young people were not party political.’ They were playing on the fact that traditional pro-capitalist and pro-system politicians would come across badly. This was also an attempt to stop the LPYS from having any influence and a platform to get across our socialist ideas to a wide mass audience. Craig Charles (Red Dwarf), the Liverpool poet, suggested that Derek Hatton, the Militant leader of Liverpool City Council should speak at the gigs as ‘he was dead popular’ in Liverpool.’ This was met by nervous shuffling of feet by the LP officials and staring at the floor! In the end, although the LPYS were officially excluded from speaking at the gigs, through our contacts and relationships with their artists we managed to distribute our materials at the gigs and we recruited many young people to the LPYS and the Militant.

YTS Lobby 1985

What were your personal reasons for involving yourself? It was part of my political work at the time.

Why do you think that Red Wedge emerged at the time that it did? It was a time of great movements. Thatcherism had declared war on the working class. I had been a Punk in the 1970s and had attended Rock Against Racism / ANL gigs. When I joined the Militant and LPYS in 1979 I naturally took my music into the movement as did my contemporaries. There was a red radical line from Punk to Red Wedge. Young people suffered greatly under Thatcher and became radical, even revolutionary in the case of the youth around the LPYS and Militant. The artists involved in Red Wedge were young people too and could not fail to be affected by the prevailing mood amongst their fans.
What do you feel the aims of Red Wedge were? For the LPYS, Red Wedge was a continuation of our solidarity work with the miners and our campaigns against compulsory YTS. In a way I saw it as our revolutionary soundtrack. The songs mostly coincided with the way young people were feeling. However, Mandelson and Kinnock and the LP bureaucracy had a much more limited view of Red Wedge. They saw it as an electoral tool to get Kinnock into Nº10. They limited the radical message of the youth and turned it into a bland electioneering exercise.

Many of those in the Labour party at the time feel that Red Wedge was a failure as they didn’t win the 1987 election. To what extent do you feel it had a wider impact on involving young people in politics and why? Nothing is wasted in nature. Red Wedge ‘failed’ in one way because it was expropriated by the bureaucratic LP machine which had limited electoral and ‘moderate’ aims. They blunted the radical feelings of young people and their aspirations. However, the ‘failure’ of Red Wedge was part of the wider political process. Kinnock had sold out the miner’s strike and the Liverpool Council battle and refused to back the LPYS School Student’s strikes in 1985/86 against compulsory YTS. Kinnock had alienated himself from the revolutionary youth and sections of the working class. He went on the expel many Militant activists and eventually closed down the LPYS. Red Wedge ‘failed’ because it was highjacked by the LP right wing.

The real failure, from the point of view of the Labour and trade union movement and the  youth, who desperately needed radical change was Kinnock. He used his quasi-left credentials to make the LP entirely safe for capitalism by expelling socialists, closing down the magnificent LPYS which was connecting with masses of young people. As a young man I considered Kinnock to be a vain clown who was too stupid to realise he was being played by the ruling class. He lost TWO general elections when the Tories were absolutely hated in working class communities. A complete failure for the movement but on a personal level he was rewarded by the ruling class with cushy well paid jobs in the EU and a seat in the House of Lords. I have not changed my opinion about Kinnock.


As the youth vote is incredibly low at the moment, do you feel something like Red Wedge could possibly enthral young people in this day and age and why? I am in favour of the youth today using their music and culture to further their political aims but THEY NEED TO BE IN CONTROL. The main lesson of the Red Wedge experience is for young people to hold onto their political and cultural independence. Young people are becoming radicalised again around the world and their music is playing a part. Look at Grime. We will have revolutionary music again which will inspire the movement and act as its soundtrack. My advice to the new generation is that the youth need to be autonomous and not allow ‘official’ political parties and careerist politicians and artists to expropriate their music and culture for reformist political aims.

Please feel free to share any other reflections you have on Red Wedge:
I consider Billy Bragg has the same relationship to genuine socialism as Bono and Geldof have to fighting world poverty. They have generated a lot of self publicity and promoted themselves and little else. The real fight to end poverty and in favour of socialism goes on…..

A couple of Facebook messages on Billy Bragg’s page:
“As I’ve mentioned previously Billy Bragg did the dirty on us over Red Wedge. The LPYS had promoted him during the miner’s strike and he did the YTURC lobby of parliament with Paul Weller.
Mandelson was appointed Director of Communications in 1985 and was a lot cleverer than Kinnock. They came up with the idea of RED WEDGE to sideline the LPYS but we fought it all the way.
I remember at a meeting with loads of celebs they pushed the idea that there should be no speeches at the gigs as young people ‘weren’t political.’ They also said the LPYS couldn’t be too prominent at the gigs.

Craig Charles (Red Dwarf) piped up: “Why don’t we get that Derek Hatton to speak? He’s dead popular in Liverpool.’ Shuffling of feet and looking at the floor…..
Paul Heaton of the Housemartins said he would participate in Red Wedge but only if they put ‘nationalisation of the music industry’ in the programme.
Bragg backed Kinnock on the issue and the rest was sell-out history……
Did you think at that time of youthful revolt you would soon be calling salt of the earth working class Socialists ‘extremists’ and suck up to Neil Kinnock and end up asking people to vote for the Lib Dems……? Asking for a friend Billy.”

Red Wedge: bringing Labour party politics to young music fans

Bragg: “Newcastle was heaven and hell. The best gig but the worst day. Right through the tour we had constant problems with the extremists, like our friends in the Young Socialists.”

General Election 2010: Billy Bragg pledges to support Liberal Democrats

Billy Bragg, the singer, has pledged to back the Liberal Democrats as they have the ”best manifesto”.

Razones para el socialismo

A los propagandistas de la prensa capitalista les gusta decir que su sistema está mejorando continuamente y también lo hacen las condiciones materiales de la humanidad. ¿Pero cuál es la situación real para la mayoría de los 7.000 millones de habitantes de nuestro planeta?
Nunca en la historia de la humanidad la brecha entre los ricos y pobres ha sido tan grande. En 2014, las 85 personas más ricas del mundo poseían la misma riqueza que la mitad más pobre de la humanidad, unas 3.500 millones de personas.
Ademas los capitalistas han convertido ‘la crisis’ en una oportunidad. Utilizando el lema ‘todos estamos en el mismo barco’ han aprovechado este periodo para intentar eliminar los logros sociales ganados por la clase obrera. El número de milmillonarios se ha más que duplicado desde el comienzo de la crisis financiera. En el mismo período, al menos un millón de mujeres ha muerto durante el parto.
España es un país con inmensos recursos naturales, gente con talento y habilidades y jóvenes con ganas de trabajar. Sin embargo, millones de personas viven en la pobreza y la juventud tiene que emigrar en busca de un empleo.
España es además el segundo país más desigual de Europa, tan solo por detrás de Letonia. La distancia entre ricos y pobres es más amplia que nunca y sigue aumentando. La riqueza del 1% más rico de España es superior a la del 70% más pobre. En el siglo XXI la desigualdad entres hombres y mujeres ha aumentado en el estado español. Y desde el inicio de la crisis se han registrado en España más de 400.000 ejecuciones hipotecarias de las que una gran parte ha acabado en desahucio.
Los medias de comunicación desvían la atención de la población con un menú de cotilleos de los famosos y adoración a los futbolistas (con sueldos ofensivos para el resto de la población), mientras no deja espacio para escuchar las historias de los millones de pobres y gentes que luchan por una vida digna.
La protección por desempleo sólo amparaba al 29,4 % de los 5.438.406 desempleados en edad de trabajar que había en el primer trimestre del año, es decir, que sólo un tercio de los parados recibía algún tipo de ayuda por desempleo. Los jóvenes menores de 30 años tienen la menor tasa, ya que sólo el 10,5 % recibe una prestación, es decir, sólo uno de cada diez.
Sin hablar de los recortes que están sufriendo la sanidad, educación y servicios sociales el trato de los mas vulnerables dice mucho sobre sociedad y es una de las razones mas fuertes para el socialismo.
España es segunda en el ranking de pobreza infantil de la UE por detrás de Rumanía. Alrededor de 2.800.000 niños españoles, es decir uno de cada tres, se encuentra en riesgo de pobreza según los últimos datos publicados por Eurostat con respecto a 2012.
Según un estudio presentado por la Obra Social La Caixa, esta situación “no sólo se ha acentuado con la crisis económica en cuanto a número de niños sino que, además, la probabilidad de permanecer en esta situación es mayor entre la población infantil que entre la adulta”. Las cifras de 2012 son extensibles a 2015 según el informe. “Save the children” atiende diariamente a 5000. Pero hay casi tres millones de niños y niñas pobres. Claramente la caridad no es la solución, sino que necesitamos un cambio fundamental.
Éstas solo son algunos de las muchas razones para el socialismo. ¿Quién puede decir que no tenemos los recursos, gente y ganas para construir una sociedad mejor?
El capitalismo es un sistema que literalmente está matando el planeta y el futuro de la humanidad. En España el sistema está condenando a una generación a la pobreza y la incertidumbre pero también está creando las condiciones donde la misma generación tendrá las oportunidades de luchar y cambiar la sociedad con un programa y la bandera de socialismo.


3 de marzo

La  Transición española no fue, tal y como la quieren vender, ni modélica ni pacífica. El régimen franquista siguió reprimiendo y asesinando en ese periodo como en la dictadura. El hecho más relevante de esa represión se dio en Vitoria-Gasteiz el 3 de marzo de 1976 cuando la policía mató a 5 trabajadores y causó más de un centenar de heridos, además de los dos jóvenes asesinados días después en Tarragona y Basauri en actos solidarios.

Han pasado 38 años y los víctimas del 3 de marzo siguen luchando. Cada año celebran una manifestación en Gasteiz pidiendo justicia. Hasta ahora el estado español se ha negado a reconocer los actos como realmente ocurrieron o a denunciar a los responsables de la masacre.
Por fin ha llegado desde Argentina una esperanza de que se llegue a hacer justicia. La juez argentina María Servini de Cubría ha solicitado la extradición del exministro Rodolfo Martín Villa por la matanza del 3 de marzo. Junto con esta extradición, la magistrada también ha solicitado a España que le permita interrogar en Buenos Aires a otro ministro del régimen, José Utrera Molina, suegro del exministro de Justicia Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón, y a otros 18 cargos franquistas.
La juez pide la detención de Martín Villa por “la represión de la concentración de trabajadores en Vitoria el 3 de marzo de 1976 en la que fueron asesinados Pedro Martínez Ocio, Francisco Aznar Clemente, Romualdo Barroso Chaparro, José Castillo García y Bienvenido Pereda Moral, y en la que hubo más de cien heridos, muchos de ellos por armas de fuego”.
Los hechos del 3 de marzo de 1976
Tras dos meses largos de huelga y dos días de huelga general, el 3 de marzo estaba convocada una jornada de paro total. Este paro fue secundado por la práctica totalidad de trabajadores, tanto de empresas en lucha como otras que lo apoyaron solidariamente, así como por el comercio, servicios, estudiantes, amas de casa y la ciudadanía en general. Desde la mañana, la policía intervino duramente ante cualquier atisbo de concentración o manifestación, llegando incluso a disparar fuego real, produciéndose los primeros heridos de bala.
Para las cinco de la tarde estaba convocada una asamblea general informativa en la iglesia de San Francisco de Asís del barrio de Zaramaga, lugar donde se acostumbraban a realizar las reuniones de las Comisiones Representativas de las empresas en lucha, para informar de los últimos acontecimientos.
La agresión
La policía “premeditadamente” dejó que se llenara la iglesia con alrededor de cinco mil personas, permaneciendo en el exterior un número similar, y fue en ese momento cuando mandó desalojar la misma. La multitud allí congregada ante el temor de ser aporreada y agredida en su salida, se negó al abandono del recinto religioso. Hay que recalcar que los templos estaban protegidos por el Concordato, por lo cual no podían actuar ni acceder a su interior las Fuerzas Armadas, salvo urgente necesidad.
Para proceder al desalojo, la policía atacó y asaltó la iglesia con gases lacrimógenos y material antidisturbios, por lo que, presos del pánico y la asfixia, los allí congregados comenzaron a salir huyendo, momento en el que los policías procedieron a golpear y disparar indiscriminadamente tanto sobre los que intentaban escapar, como sobre los que desde el exterior atraían su atención para dejar vía libre a los que abandonaban aquel infierno.”
Testigos presenciales / Asociación 3 de marzo  
La iglesia sólo había una salida, la puerta principal. Ni ventanas ni terraza. Cuando empezaron a salir a borbotones para no morir asfixiados, la policía les tiroteó. “Que manden fuerza aquí, que hemos tirado más de 2.000 tiros. Cambio”, se escucha en las grabaciones de la policía.
Las cintas de las emisoras policiales muestran que lo sucedido fue más que una intervención desafortunada. “Ya tenemos dos camiones de munición, ¿eh? O sea que a actuar a mansalva, y a limpiar, nosotros que tenemos las armas; a mansalva y sin duelo de ninguna clase”. Por la manera en que relataron los hechos los agentes participantes, fue una victoria militar sin precedentes contra trabajadores desarmados: “En Salinas [plaza Martín de Salinas] hemos contribuido a la paliza más grande de la historia. Cambio.”, reportaba por la radio un policía.
La versión oficial, recogida en la sentencia de un tribunal militar, es que la policía hizo uso de la “legítima defensa para responder a una agresión de los trabajadores”. La justicia militar reconoció que se trataba de “homicidios”, pero archivó el caso al no encontrar culpables.
Las víctimas y sus familiares, sin embargo, siguen exigiendo justicia, para lo que han acabado recurriendo a los tribunales argentinos.
La noticia de la solicitud de extradición de Martín Villa y otros 18 cargos franquistas desde Argentina es simbólica porque precisamente ahora el estado español y el PP y PSOE que han protegido estos asesinos han perdido completamente su credibilidad y autoridad.
Un futuro gobierno de la izquierda tendrá la responsabilidad de dar justicia a los víctimas del 3 de marzo y a todas los víctimas del franquismo durante la guerra civil y la transición. Por eso necesita la presión y participación de las organizaciones de la clase obrera y la juventud.
¿Cómo puedes colaborar en la lucha de conseguir justicia?
Difunde el documental nuevo publicado en la web británica de vídeo-activismo Reel News en el que se relatan y analizan los hechos que ocurrieron en Vitoria-Gasteiz el 3 de marzo de 1976. Cuenta con testimonios en castellano y subtitulados en inglés.
¿Cómo puedes colaborar en la lucha de conseguir justicia?
Difunde el documental nuevo publicado en la web británica de vídeo-activismo Reel News en el que se relatan y analizan los hechos que ocurrieron en Vitoria-Gasteiz el 3 de marzo de 1976. Cuenta con testimonios en castellano y subtitulados en inglés.
“Agradecemos a estos compañeros ingleses su interés y solidaridad mostrados. Este trabajo propiciará que se conozca en profundidad el ataque sufrido por la clase trabajadora en otros lugares, y al mismo tiempo, romper un poco más el muro de silencio, olvido e impunidad que los diferentes gobiernos han levantado sobre esta criminal actuación.
Somos una asociación sin ánimo de lucro. Los proyectos más importantes los realizamos gracias al esfuerzo de los propios socios y la colaboración desinteresada de personas, colectivos y las subvenciones concedidas por nuestra labor en favor de los derechos humanos.
  • Agradeceríamos que nos hicierais llegar o hacer saber toda información relativa a documentos, fotos, material audiovisual o gráfico y cualquier cosa que consideréis de interés para lograr la verdad y un archivo histórico lo más amplio posible sobre los hechos del 3 de marzo
  • Difunde en tu círculo esta página WEB y la agresión que sufrió la Clase Trabajadora en Vitoria-Gasteiz el 3 de Marzo de 1976
  • Denuncia a los responsables policiales, políticos, empresariales……
  • Defiende donde estés La Libertad y La Justicia Social.”

‘Bosnia today is a plenum’

Subtitled programme about the plenums in Bosnia-Herzegovina with activists Damir Arsenijević and Šejla Šehabović, moderated by Senad Hadžihafizbegović on Face TV. Originally broadcast on 14.2.2014. Subtitles by Kole Kili and Amila Bosnae. Posted by Bosnia-Herzegovina Protest Files


Novi Revlot Radnika I Nezaposleni

Serbo-Croat translation of the article ’New revolt of workers and unemployed’ (first published on 10/02/14)

J. Hird, Socialismo Revolucionario (CWI iz Spanije)

Bjes od lose ekonomske sitvacije, politicke korupcije, nezaposlenosti I neimastine je prokljucao u Bosni I Hercegovini. Posle tri dana intenzivne I herojske borbe radnika i omladine, drzava je potresena do temelja.

Prvi Dan, Sreda, Peti Februar

Otpusteni radnici iz privatizovane I sad zatvorene kemikalne tvornice DITA, u severnoj Bosni, i tri durge fabrike su krenuli u demonstracije. Oni su optuzili politicare za nemarnost zato sto du dozvolili da nekoliko drzavni preduzeca colapsiraju posle privatizacije.

“Izbori nece promeniti nista I samo akcije kao ova, I plasim se, cak I radikalnije akcije, mogu naterati politicare da postave otkaz”

Omladina I nezaposleni se uskoro predruzili radnicima. Protestanti su bacali kamenje na policiju I zapalili gume. Naj manje 20 ljudi su bili povredjeni I oko 20 uhapseni.

Dan 2, Cetvrtak, Sesti Februar

Radnici su nastavili demonstracije u Tuzli. Zestoka bitka je planula izmedju demonstranata I policije u kojoj 130 ljud i su ranjeni, od njih 104 clanova policije.

Policija je odgovorila suzavcem kada preko hiljadu ljudi su pokusali da okupraju drzavne zgrade.

Tuzla ja uticala kao fitilj koji je aktivirao nezadovoljstvo cele Bosne. Udruzeni protesti su odrzani u glavnom gradu Sarajevu ali takodje u Zenici, Bihacu i Mostaru.

Nermin Niksic, precednik vlade Federacije, je odrzao sigurnosni miting na kojim je obtuzijo “huligane” kao uzrok nereda.

U istini, radnici su vodili ovaj pokret. U samom pocetku protest se sastojao u glavnom od otpustenih radika iz fabrika koje su colapsirale zbog privatizacije. Neko vreme kasnije, hiljade nezaposleni ljudi I omladine su izasli na ulice u podrsku radnika. Nezaposlenost u Bosni je preko 44% I jedan o sveki pet osoba zivi ispod granice neimastine. Cak I oni koji su zaposleni zive od 250 do 450 Convertabilni Marka. Raditi za nista je sasvim normalo u Bosni, I vecina radnika iz DITA tvornce nisu placeni vec dvije godine!

“Nasa vlada je prodala drustvenu imovinu za skoro nista I ostivila ja narod bez penzija, posla I zdravstvene zastite,” rekla je Hana Obradovic (24), jedna od nezaposleni diplomirani studenata u Sarajevu.

Sitvacija je naterala vladu da zatvori skole u Petak.

Dan 3, Petak, Sedmi Februar

Do Petka, protesti su se prosirili na preko 30 gradova u Bosni I Hercegovini I sa nima rastao je bjes prema sadasnjoj vladi. Demonstranti us zapalili drzavne zgrade u Sarajevu. Statinu cetrdeset ljudi su povredjeni u glavnom gradu, od njih 93 clanova policije.

Polica je koristila gumene metke I suzavac u pokusaju da raznese protestante, ali radni ljudi I omladina je odgovorila sa napadom na Precednistvo koje su osvojili od policije i kasnije zapalili.

U Zenici, tom bivsom rudarskom gradu, preko 50 demonstranata su povredjeni. Fecebook je koristen da oganizuje akcije I informise demonstrante. Na ulicama narod je vikao “Lopovi!” I “Revolucija!”

Sakib Kopic, jedan od representativaca radnika je rekao da ovo je “odgovor naroda” vladi koja nije sposobna da nadje resenje za ekonomsku krizu.

“Ovo je uzvik gladi, siromastva I beznadja za buducnost koji je tek sad explodirao posle mnogo godina” objavi le su lokalne novine, Dnevni Avaz.

Nekoliko hiljada demonstranata u Mostaru su napali dvije drzavne zgrade I zapalili zgradu gradske vlade. U ovom slucaju policije nije intervenisala.

Jedan mladi demonstranat iz Bihaca je izrekao opsti stav mrznje za corumptiranu politicku klasu i nepotism: “Zasto nema seksa u drzavnim institucijama Bosne I Hercegovine? Zato sto su svi familija!” Jedan plakat je pisao: “Ja nemam posla. Dosao sam ovde da unistim vladu.”

Kada su demonstranti zapalili drzavne zgrade u Tuzli, clanovi specijalne policije su skinuli svoju opremu I pustili demonstrante da prodju. Kasnije policija ja dobila aplauz i neki su se pozdravili i rukovali sa demonstrantima.

“Ja mislim da je ovo pravi Bosansko proljece. Me nemamo sta da izgubimo. Bice sve vise I vise nas na ulicama jer ima oko 550,000 nezaposleni u Bosni,” rekao je Almir Arnaut, nezaposleni economista i activista is Tuzle.

U Zenici i Tuzli politicari koji su proveli privatizaciju drustvene imovine su dali otkaz.

Zasto Sad? I Gde Sad?

Bosanski radnici zive pod neimastinom, masivnoj nezaposlenosti i opstoj miseriji vec 20 godina. Djeljenje vlasti u Federaciji izmedju etnicki entiteta je dozvolilo corumpirane politicare da se odrze na vlasti u jednoj od naj siromasiji zemalja evrope. U strahu od etnicki tenzija radnici do sada nisu u vecom broju preduzeli politicke akcije. Ali posoji limit. Massivna i kriminalna privatizacija i zatvaranje fabrika je bila zadnja kap u prepunoj casi.

Postoji zahtjev za unjedinjenost radnicke klase, koja se reflektuje u plakatima demonstranata i na Facebook. Jedan plakat je piso: “Ustaj Tito! Vidi sta tvoji pioniri rade!”. Na Facebook cirkulirala je jedna slika u kojoj Tito gleda na sat i kaze “Vreme je da se vratim.”

Razumljivo je da postoji nostalgia za Titovo vereme izmedju omladine. Roditelji pricaju svojoj deci o vremenu kada je skavo imao posao, niko nije gladovao i svako je mogao da ocekuje dobru buducnost, iako je bio Stalinisticki, jedno-partiski rezim koji je presjedo Yugoslovenskoj centralisticko planskoj privredi. Ali kapitalisam je izrastao u Bosnia od contra-revolucije ranih devedesetih godina I krvavog etnickog gradjanskog rata, I ovaj sistem je donijo radnicima Bosne i Hercegovine nista osim neimastine, corupciju I opasnost novog etnickog sukoba.

Ovo su rani dani Bosanskog ustanka ali cak i sada radnici i omladina su ujedinjeni. Oni su unedinjeni u svojoj zajednickoj mrznji za corumpiranu drzavu. U ovom vremenu ni jedno politicka partije u Bosni i Hercegovini ne prestavnja interese radnicke klase.

Virlo vazna istoriska promjena su mirni protest u Banja Luci, centralnom gradu Republike Srpske, gde oko 300 activista i gradjana su zatrazili jedinstvo svi etniciteta Bosne.

Oni su proglasili: “Me smo svi drzavljani Bosne i svi trpimo iste teskoce.”

Activisti su postavili sledece zahtjeve:

• Aboliciju cantona;

• Da ze smanje parlamentarne plate za 50%;

• Otkaz directora PIO (fund za penzije I socialnu pomoc);

• Povecanje penzija i plata za 500 Convertabilni Marka;

• Poslove i benificije za nezaposlene;

• Abolicija illegalnoga rada i crnoga trzistea.

Protestanti su isto postavili zahtjeve za nacionalizaciju privatizovanih firma, limitaciju plata politicara, protiv nepotisma i pravo na minimalni standard zivljena i obrazovanja. Policia i veterani is armije su isto postavili svoje zahtjeve.

Radnici i socialisti oko sveta pozdravljaju Bosanske radnike i omladinu u svojoj borbi protiv privatizacije i za bolji zivot. Ali ova borba moze da se uspesno vodi samo sa anti kapitalistickom perspectivom, na bazi radnicke demokratije i socialisma.

Pozdrav iz Komiteta za Radnicki Internacional.

website of the committee for a workers’ international, CWI